Ladies and Gentlemen,

History is back in fashion in the Netherlands. Historical books top the bestseller lists, history programmes on television such as In Europa and Andere Tijden attract many thousands of viewers, and the anniversaries of almost every historic event are commemorated.

Last year – in itself an historic one in view of the presidential election results in the United States – was especially well endowed with historic commemorations. The end of the First World War, Kristallnacht, the Berlin Airlift, the Congress of Europe in The Hague, the investiture of Queen Juliana, the students’ revolts in Paris and the end of the Prague Spring: these are all events which were extensively reviewed in two thousand eight because they had taken place exactly ninety, seventy, sixty or forty years ago.

Although I have not mentioned all the events, I would nevertheless like to add two more to my list: David Ben-Gurion’s proclamation of the state of Israel on May fourteenth, nineteen forty-eight, and the United Nations General Assembly’s adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on December tenth of that same year.

These are two historic landmarks that stand out above the rest, because, unlike many of the other events, they do not symbolise a closed era in history like the world wars or the division of Europe. The foundation of the state of Israel and the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are two moments in our history whose consequences still occupy our minds almost every day.

For many Jews, the foundation of their own state was a dream come true, certainly after the persecution and genocide they suffered under the Nazis. But for many Palestinians, nineteen forty-eight was the year in which they were driven out of their homes, and which marked the beginning of an odyssey through refugee camps.

How bitter it is to reflect that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted in that very same year: Article one of the Declaration states that “all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights”, while Article two adds: “everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind.”

But now, more than sixty years later, the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians is still an open sore, whose pain has spread far beyond the region. During the past decades, there have been times when the world community was convinced that there really was a chance of peace in the Middle East. One of these moments was in nineteen seventy-eight, when the reconciliation between Israel and Egypt was sealed by the Camp David Accords. Or in nineteen ninety-three, when the Oslo Accords and the handshake between Arafat and Rabin gave rise to a new wave of hope for a way out of the spiral of violence. Unfortunately, this hope proved to be a vain one. And this is a bitter pill to swallow, for others besides the Israelis and the Palestinians. After all, Jewish, Islamic and Christian cultures all over the world have always projected their own yearnings for peace and harmony onto the Holy Land.

The long decades of war, terrorist attacks and oppression have left deep scars among the Palestinian and Israeli people alike. Both parties have entrenched themselves in their own versions of the truth, and mutual distrust seems to be greater than ever. Is there still a way out of this impasse? In spite of everything, I believe there is.

We must believe that, because stability in the region is inconceivable without a solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. What can we do? Everyone even remotely involved in the search for a solution, in the mediation between the Israelis and the Palestinians, eventually comes to this one conclusion: The solution must come from the people themselves, the Israeli and Palestinian men and women. I know that there are people on both sides with a balanced view of the conflict, who could very sensibly map out the route to peace.

It has occurred to me a number of times that the interference from outside is only maintaining the conflict. This is certainly true as long as the extremists on either side can continue to count on outside support. It is only when the outside world, the whole outside world, makes it clear to the diehards: this is enough. It ends here. Don’t rely on us any longer. Only then will the negotiators from both sides be able to start negotiations with some chance of success.

There are hopeful signals that the American government is prepared to devote itself to achieving this unity in the international community. The options will likely be explored in the margins of the large-scale Afghanistan conference to be held at the end of this month here in The Hague.

But negotiations have little chance of success unless at least two conditions are fulfilled: Israel’s safety must be guaranteed, and the Palestinians must be given the opportunity to build up a fully-fledged democratic state of their own. There will only be a chance for peace when Israeli citizens no longer have to fear any attacks, and the Palestinians are no longer treated as second-class citizens.

At present, however, the Palestinians cannot lay equal claim to those rights laid down in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. As Eleanor Roosevelt, widow of President Franklin Roosevelt and a fervent supporter of the Declaration, herself said:
“Where, after all, do universal human rights begin? In small places, close to home - so close and so small that they cannot be seen on any map of the world. Yet they are the world of the individual person; the neighbourhood he lives in; the school or college he attends; the factory, farm, or office where he works. Unless these rights have meaning there, they have little meaning anywhere.” End of quote.

Let us now look at Article seventeen, paragraph two of the Declaration, for instance: “No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.” But how many Palestinians have not seen their houses or orchards demolished by Israeli army bulldozers?

Or let us read Article thirteen, paragraph two: “Everyone has the right to leave any country, including their own, and to return to their country.” Shawan Jabarin ought to have been here with us today to receive the Geuzen Medal on behalf of Al-Haq. But for three years, he has been denied the human right to travel, and the Israeli authorities have refused to make an exception, even for this special occasion.

And this is the lot of countless other Palestinians day in, day out. These are the people who have to wait endlessly at checkpoints, who are provoked by soldiers, and who are arrested without charge. As far as they are concerned, those solemn words of the Universal Declaration have indeed little or no meaning. 

Here, too, the international community can fulfil an important role. It is not only our moral duty to denounce these human rights violations, but, as I have already said, it is pure necessity, since peace cannot be achieved where justice is lacking.

Al-Haq and B’Tselem play a crucial part in this process. Without Al-Haq, many human rights violations - committed by Israeli and Palestinian authorities alike – would not be documented, and would therefore never have come to our knowledge. It is due to Al-Haq, among others, that the world is aware of what is going on in the Palestinian territories.

B’Tselem performs a similar function in the Occupied Territories. Thanks to the distribution of video cameras among the people of the Occupied Territories, this Israeli organisation literally gives us a picture of human rights violations committed by Israeli soldiers. It is also due in part to B’Tselem’s work that the case of the West Bank barrier was referred to the International Court of Justice in The Hague a couple of years ago, where the building of this barrier was found to be contrary to international law.

Great courage is needed to do the work of Al-Haq and B’Tselem: courage to swim against the tide and courage to stand up for justice. The awarding of the Geuzen Medal to our guests today does not merely express our appreciation. It also calls on the world, and especially on all the parties directly involved, to do everything in their power to ensure that the peoples of the Middle East are able to live in peace with one another, as neighbours and as friends. And we will be justified in calling the year in which this is achieved a truly historic year, one which will make all other historic years pale into insignificance.